K-Sapost

Op-Ed: Ban Textbooks Not Constitutional

2010-07-16T04:57:00.000-07:00

15/7/2010 By Kok Sap
On 14/7/2010 the news said Mr. Im Sethy, the Education Minister, issued order to ban the general knowledge textbooks authored by Pen Puthsphea because they contain “unsuitable” materials deemed critical to Hun Sen, the government leader, such as, “In the near future, will Cambodia be able to develop? Why?” and, “What do you think of the practice of human rights and freedom in Cambodian society?”

The answer to the first question reads: “The government which is currently led by Prime Minister Hun Sen will not be able to lead Cambodia towards progress in the near future because corruption occurs from the top level of the government down to the local level, and law enforcement and the practice of human rights are still below zero.”

It appears the textbooks questions and answers seem inadequately constituting a false statement or threat to national security. More than likely they are in the frame of the constitutionality (see reference). The minister’s action clearly shows that Cambodia under Mr. Hun Sen personal cult influence soon it will have a full blown authoritarian regime. It’s a sure thing to happen as soon as Heng Samrin or Chea Sim and Sihanouk are out of the picture.

So does it deem appropriate for citizens to speak truth about the government inability or flaws? According to the Constitution (see reference) people can criticize or denounce or file complaint against their government.

In the developed countries, it is the understanding that criticism comes with the public service job and elected offices. Hun Sen has been appointed in 1985 then after 1993 before got elected by the voters to the same job for the last 12 years. However that does not mean he is effective in leading. According to old Kung Fu Tzu says,” a leader must himself be correct. If he shows correctness, who will dare not to be correct?” In other word it takes one to be one.

The argument could also be thrown in why does he not stop the corruption all these years? The people know the government at all levels are corrupted; therefore, the author’s views are reflective the truth in the current government conducts.

Since 1993, billions of dollars in donations poured in Cambodia government coffer to reduce poverty, maintain and rehabilitate the nation necessities. But the majority of people still barely survive on less than $0.50 a day standard. Also the prevalence of authoritarianism and corruption in government is too profane that spared no criticism from the UN Human Rights Council, the World Bank and International Monetary Funds. They all agree Cambodia government lacks good will to ensure good governance, transparency and accountability.

As far as the textbook materials concerned, probably Mr.Hun Sen would agree no less that he, himself, hears threats and critics from donors at each annual consultative conference. Also the author raised the questions which may have nothing to do with Mr. Hun Sen in personal but they are more in tunes with his triangular and rectangular policy deficiencies and oversights. As usual in old saying,” Is there no smoke unless must there be no fire” as otherwise the donors would not insist on Cambodia to hurry in passing the anti-corruption and land laws.

The author said his books have been in the market since 2006 but why now the education minister wants them pulled from the student interests. Undoubtedly there must be a brownie point for Mr. Im Sethy to score and please Mr. Hun Sen. His action is an infringement of the constitutional relevance.

Not long ago Mr.Khieu Kannharith, himself, was accused of violating the international copy rights protection that landed him in legal battle with the original novel ’Shogun’ publisher. But Cambodia government said nothing to that. In effect Mr.Khieu Kanharith isn’t so clean and ideal leader to preach laws. Herewith the author shall challenge both co-conspirators, Mr. Im Sethy and Khieu Kanharith, for violation of the constitutionality in the court of laws.

Laterally Mr. Im Sethy should acknowledge and be more diligent in straightening out his subordinates as government employed educators or instructors to stop extorting money and bribery from students. It is plain wrong and corruptive. In such regard he should support and encourage the young students to take part and assist the regime to fight corruption.

This is to say that Mr. Hun Sen aware of his own inability to progress the country without more donations. Also he must know it takes more than he to eradicate corruption in Cambodia. In the best interest of the nation,Mr. Hun Sen and his government shall embrace the democratic growth of free expression and praise the courageous ones who exercise their rights to educate Cambodia future generations to do the right thing for the country sake.

Reference:
The 1993 Constitution- Article 39 says,” Khmer citizens shall have the right to denounce, make complaints or file claims against any breach of the law by State and social organs or by members of such organs committed during the course of their duties. The settlement of complaints and claims shall reside under the competence of the courts.”

Article 41 also says,” Khmer citizens shall have freedom of expression, press, publication and assembly. No one shall exercise this right to infringe upon the rights of others, to affect the good traditions of the society, to violate public law and order and national security. The regime of the media shall be determined by law.”

Article 65 says, “The State shall protect and upgrade citizens’ rights to quality education at all levels and shall take necessary steps for equality education to reach all citizens. The State shall respect physical education and sports for the welfare of all Khmer citizens.”

បទបកស្រាយខ្លី: អ្នកសារព៌តមានត្បាញអាយកុហកខ្លួនឲ្យពហុមហាបណ្ឌិតហ៊ុនសែនអរតាម

2010-01-29T11:32:00.000-08:00

សរសេរដោយខកស័ព្ទ (២៩មករា២០១០)

លោកអន្ទិតគោលោត សយសុភាព បានមកដើរលេងស្រុកអាមេរិកប៉ុន្មានថ្ងៃមុននេះ ហើយ ថ្លើមធំព្រហើនខ្លាំងហ៊ាននិយាយថាប្រជាជនខ្មែររស់នៅក្នុងតាមរដ្ឋនៃ ស រ អាភាគច្រើនៗបានបែរមកការគាំទ្រគណបក្សប្រជាជនស្មែរក្រោយពេលដែលពីមុនពួកគេធ្លាប់បានគាំទ្រគណបក្សដទៃ។ហើយបំផ្លើសទៀតថាការផ្លាស់ប្តូរជំនឿនេះ មកពីពួកគេយល់ថាគណបក្ស ប ជ ជ ខ បានកសាងប្រទេសឲ្យជ្រឿនទៅមុខឯបក្សដទៃៗគ្មានបានធ្វើអ្វីសោះ។

លោកអន្ទិតគោលោត(លោកឪនទតគោលិទ)សយសុភាពបានសន្មត់ដោយគ្មានអ្វីជាគោល បញ្ជាក់ ច្បាស់លាស់និងជាធាតុពិតក្រៅពីការវាយស្មានដ៏រាក់កំផែលរបស់ខ្លួនឯងនោះសោះ។

ទី១
ដោយមកពីខ្លួនមិនយល់ពីភូមិសាស្រ្តនិងចំនួនជនដើមកំណើតខ្មែរមានសរុបទួទាំងប្រទេសស រ អា ច្បាស់លាស់។មិនមែនក្រុងពីរបីដែលខ្លួនបានទៅដើរលេងនោះវាជាតំណាងឲ្យទីតាំងរស់នៅរបស់ខ្មែរនៅ ស រ អា ទាំងអស់នោះទេ។

ទី២
ការដែលខ្លួនបានជួបនិងប្រាស្រ័យនឹងខ្មែរតាមក្រុង មួយចំនួនក្តាប់តូចនោះមិនអាចយក ជារង្វាស់ ស្មានថាជាស្ថិតិពិតៗបានទេ។បើមិនយល់ច្បាស់ហេតុដូចម្តេចមិនសួរឫស្រាវរកការពិតជាមុនសិន។
មែនហើយទោះខ្មែរនៅតំបន់ជុំវិញ Washington DC ឫ Philadelphia និង Lowell ក៏មិនមែន១០០ភាគ១០០ដែរដែលគាំទ្រឫជឿបក្ស ប ជ ជ ខ នោះ។

ហើយក្រុងទាំងនោះរួមគ្នាមានខ្មែរមិនលើសពី៥០ ០០០ទៅ ៦០ ០០០ទេ។ក្នុង ស រ អា ទាំងមូល មានខ្មែរ រស់នៅមិនតិច ជាងពី៣៥០ ០០០ទៅ៤០០ ០០០នាក់ទេ។ តួរលេខ រាយ ការណ៏ របស់សយសុភាព មិនមែន ត្រឹមតែមិនត្រូវគឺវាមិនមែនជាតួរតាងជាភាគច្រើនបានទៅទៀត។

នេះបានចាស់លោកហាមថាចេះឯងឪយក្រែងចេះគេ។

ក្នុងរបរជាអ្នកសារព៌តមានអន្ទិត សយសុភាព ខ្វះការពិចារណានិងយោងដោយកត្តាពិតនូវអ្វីដែលខ្លួន ចង់រាយការជាចំហរនោះ។ហេតុនេះគឺគាត់មិនទាន់យល់ច្បាស់ពីផលវិបាកអាក្រក់និងទោសពិន័យក្នុងការរាយការមិនពិតតាមច្បាប់សំរាប់អ្នកសារព៌តមានចេញពីសាលាអប់រំសារព៌តមាននិងការផ្សាយពិតប្រាកដយ៉ាងណានោះនៅឡើយផងទេ។

តាមពិតស្រុកខ្មែរនរណាក៏អាចសរសេរព៌តមានបានដែរទោះខ្ឡួនមិនមានការរៀននិងអប់រំផ្នែកឯកទេសព៌តមានក៏ដោយ។ ឧទាហរណ៏មានសយសុភាពជាគំរូខ្លួនឯងស្រាប់។

តែនៅស្រុកក្រៅច្បាប់គេសង្កត់ធ្ងន់ណាស់លើការនិយាយបំផ្លើសខុសពីការកើតឡើងនៃហេតុការណ៍។
លោកអន្ទិតចេះតែស្មានៗឲ្យតែព្ញសូរពិរោះត្រចៀកខ្ឡួនឯង។ជាការពិតខ្មែររាប់រយពាន់ដទៃទៀតរស់នៅក្នុងចំណោមរដ្ឋទាំង៥០ លោកមិនទាំងដឺងនិងស្គាល់ សយសុភាពជានរណាផងទេ។ ឯការលើកជើង និងបញ្ជោរ បក្ស ប ជ ជ ខវាជារឿងផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន របស់អន្ទិតទេ។តែការដែលខ្លួនធ្វើឲ្យជនដឹកនាំបក្ស ប ជ ជ ខ រិតតែឡើង ជោរទាំងងងិតងងល់នោះដូចពាក្យ គេថា វាមិន ខុសមែន គឺដូចអាខ្វាក់ជាអ្នកប្រាប់អាខ្វិន ឪយដើររកទិសក្នុង យប់អន្ធការ។

លោកអន្ទិតគោលោតសយសុភាពចូលចិត្តចាក់ចេកចាក់ស្ករឡេមឡឺមយកមុខដូចម្លូរចំពោះមុខបក្ស ប ជ ជ ខ ដោយមិនចេះខ្មាស់ការពិត។នេះ មិនមែនជាបុគ្គលិកលក្ខណ អ្នកសារព៌តមានៗខួរគិតពិតៗ និងគោរព គោលសីលធ៌មរបស់អាជីពទេ។

បើកុហកខ្លួនឯងគ្មាននរណាថាអីទេតែលោកអន្ទិតគោលោតបានសម្អុយកេរ្តិ ខ្មែរភាគច្រើននៅស រ អា ដោយគេមិនទាំងដឹងខ្លួនផង ថាគេសុទ្ឌជាអ្នកជឿនិងគាំទ្របក្សប្រជាជនស្មែររបស់ខ្លួននោះវាជាការកុហកយ៉ាងងងើលឥតចេះអៀនខ្មាស់ប្រៀបមិនខុសពីមារយាទសំផឹងអត់កាតនៅស្វាយប៉ាក់នោះទេ។

Cambodia,Thailand in new row

2009-11-16T11:05:00.000-08:00

16/11/2009 (AFP)Phnom Penh - Cambodia and Thailand reignited their diplomatic row on Monday over fugitive former Thai premier Thaksin Shinawatra, giving disputing accounts over consular visits to a Thai man accused of spying.

The Cambodian foreign ministry said a Thai embassy official was allowed on Monday to visit Siwarak Chothipong, 31, who was arrested Thursday on charges of supplying details of Thaksin's flight schedule to his country's embassy.

But Bangkok, already furious over Phnom Penh's refusal to extradite Thaksin when he visited Cambodia last week, denied that its diplomats had been granted access to the man, an employee at the Cambodia Air Traffic Service.

'Today, we agreed to allow (a Thai diplomat) to visit the man at 2pm (0700 GMT, 3pm Singapore time) in the prison where he is being temporarily detained,' Cambodian foreign ministry spokesman Koy Kuong told AFP.

The spy allegations prompted Phnom Penh to expel the Thai embassy's first secretary on Thursday and Thailand reciprocated hours later.

Thaksin, who visited under his new role as economic adviser to Cambodia, left the country on Saturday, ending a contentious four-day visit that deepened a diplomatic storm between already bickering Bangkok and Phnom Penh.

UAE gets Thaksins deails

2009-11-16T11:03:00.001-08:00

16/11/2009 (AFP) Bangkok - Thailand said on Monday it had passed information to the United Arab Emirates proving that Thaksin Shinawatra is living in Dubai, as Bangkok pushes to bring home the fugitive former premier.

A Thai foreign ministry official met the Emirati envoy to Bangkok to discuss Mr Thaksin, who was toppled in a bloodless 2006 coup and lives in self-imposed exile to avoid a jail term for corruption. The move came days after Cambodia turned down a request from Thailand for the extradition of Mr Thaksin, who had visited the neighbouring country to take up a new role as an economic adviser.

Mr Thaksin has said he spends much of his time in Dubai. Thailand has previously sought the UAE's assistance but the two countries have not signed an extradition treaty.

Panich Vikitsreth, vice minister at the Thai ministry, said he had 'briefly' met UAE ambassador Mohammed Ali Ahmed Omran Al Shamsi on Monday 'to discuss information related to Thaksin'.

'We submitted information showing that the former premier has been located there,' Mr Panich told AFP. 'The ambassador responded very warmly to our information. He affirmed the UAE's principle that it will not allow anyone to use it as a political base to attack other countries.'

He said the details provided included an interview with British newspaper The Times, which had taken place in Dubai, and comments from a Thaksin aide who said the ex-premier left Cambodia for Dubai on Saturday.

Grenade caused Thai rally blast

2009-11-16T11:01:00.001-08:00

16/11/2009 (AFP) Bangkok - Thai police said on Monday that a grenade was responsible for a blast at a rally by opponents of fugitive former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, as the number of injured rose to 12.

Organisers said the small explosion at the protest in central Bangkok late on Sunday was caused by a firecracker thrown by men on a motorcycle, but police said they now believed it was a more serious attack.

The rally by around 20,000 'Yellow Shirts' was held to condemn Thaksin's visit to neighbouring Cambodia last week and his appointment by Phnom Penh as a an economic adviser to the government.

'This M-79 grenade was likely fired from the side of the venue, where the defence ministry and a court are located,' said Lieutenant General Worapong Chewpreecha, chief of Bangkok Metropolitan Police, who added that of the 12 people wounded in the blast three remained in hospital, one of them in intensive care. Two children were among those hurt, he said.

Yellow Shirt founder Sondhi Limthongkul said on Sunday that two men on a motorbike had thrown a large firecracker, which caused the explosion.

The royalist PAD said they were also protesting against comments about the monarchy made by billionaire Thaksin, who was ousted in a bloodless coup in September 2006. The Yellow Shirts held mass rallies in the months before the coup and took to the streets again in 2008, blockading Bangkok's airports to drive out the then pro-Thaksin government.

Thai rally blast probed

2009-11-16T10:59:00.000-08:00

16/11/2009(AFP)Bangkok - Thai police were investigating Monday a blast at a rally by opponents of fugitive former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, as the number of injured rose to 12, including two children.

Organisers said the small explosion at the protest in central Bangkok late Sunday was caused by a firecracker thrown by two men on a motorcycle, but police said the cause was still not clear.

The rally by around 20,000 'Yellow Shirts' was held to condemn Thaksin's visit to neighbouring Cambodia last week and his appointment by Phnom Penh as a an economic adviser to the government.

Deputy national police spokesman colonel Piya Utayo said police were continuing to investigate the blast. He said 12 people including two boys were wounded, updating an overnight toll of four hurt.

Photographs of the scene showed a small crater in a paving stone and a number of supporters of the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) suffering from slight cuts. The royalist PAD said they were also protesting against comments about the monarchy made by billionaire Thaksin, who was ousted in a bloodless coup in September 2006.

The Yellow Shirts held mass rallies in the months before the coup and took to the streets again in 2008, blockading Bangkok's airports to drive out the then pro-Thaksin government.

Senior Diplomats Expelled

2009-11-12T09:27:00.000-08:00

Phnom Penh – 12/11/2009 (AFP) Cambodia expelled a top Thai diplomat and Thailand reciprocated on Thursday, deepening a huge row over Phnom Penh’s naming of fugitive former Thai premier Thaksin Shinawatra as an economics adviser.

The tit-for-tat moves came as Mr Thaksin, who was ousted in a 2006 coup and is living abroad to avoid a jail term for graft, delivered a lecture in the Cambodian capital in which he accused Thailand’s rulers of ‘false patriotism’.

‘We decided to expel the Cambodian first secretary after Cambodia expelled our first secretary from the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh,’ Thai government spokesman Panitan Wattanayagorn told AFP.

He said Thailand had given the neighbouring country’s diplomat 48 hours to leave.

Thai foreign ministry spokeswoman Vimon Kidchob said it was ‘necessary to take similar action’ after Cambodia ordered its diplomat to leave Phnom Penh on Thursday afternoon. There was no immediate comment from Cambodia.

Thailand and Cambodia have already recalled their ambassadors from each other’s capitals in the growing quarrel over Phnom Penh’s appointment of Mr Thaksin, which was announced last week.

Release Suu Kyi: Clinton

2009-11-12T03:36:00.000-08:00

AFP-12/11/2009 Manila - US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called on Myanmar Thursday to free opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, stepping up the pressure ahead of President Barack Obama's meeting with the junta's premier.

'We think she should be released, we don't think she should be in detention,' Mrs Clinton told a news conference in Manila, referring to the Nobel laureate, who has spent most of the past 20 years under house arrest. 'We are going to continue to call for her unconditional release.'

Ms Suu Kyi's party won the 1990 general elections, but the ruling junta never recognised her victory and has had her in detention for most of the time since then.

Mrs Clinton said she discussed the Myanmar issue with Philippine President Gloria Arroyo and Foreign Secretary Alberto Romulo at the start of a two-day visit here on Thursday.

'We are trying to encourage Burma to conduct the kind of internal dialogue with all the stakeholders, including Aung San Suu Kyi, that could lead to there being fair, free and credible elections next year,' Clinton said.

Myanmar's generals are preparing to hold the first elections in two decades next year, but Aung San Suu Kyi has called for a boycott, calling them a sham designed to legitimise the junta.

Thai PM:Measures against Cambodia not to cause any violence

2009-11-12T03:23:00.000-08:00

Bangkok, 12/ 11/2009 (Xinhua) — The Thai government’s measures in response to Cambodia’s denial on Wednesday to extradite ousted former Thai premier Thaksin Shinawatra to Thailand will not cause to any violence, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva assured Thursday.
Also, the measures will not negatively affect the people of the two countries, Thai News Agency quoted the Thai prime minister as saying.

As Cambodia has denied of extraditing Thaksin to Thailand, Cambodia, hence, has not followed a bilateral agreement of the two neighboring countries, Abhisit said.

Abhisit’s statement was made after an urgent meeting with the National Security Council, which was organized after Cambodia has refused the Thai request to extradite Thaksin to Thailand.

In related development, Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban said the Thai government plans to suspend two financial aid projects to Cambodia.
However, the ongoing conflict with Cambodia will not lead to any political change within Thailand, including dissolution of the House of Representatives, the deputy prime minister said.

Thaksin, who has stayed in Cambodia from Tuesday, gave lecture on Thursday to over 300 Cambodian economic experts at the Ministry of Economy and Finance as his first lecture focused on “Strategy to Fight Financial and Economic Crisis.”

Thailand and Cambodia have downgraded their diplomatic relations due to conflict over an appointment of Thaksin as an economic advisor to Cambodia’s government on Nov. 4.

A day after the appointment of Thaksin, the Cambodian government announced recall of its ambassador to Thailand in a move to respond to the Thai government’s recall of its ambassador to Cambodia.

Thaksin was ousted by the military coup in September 2006, in accusation of corruption, and has been kept in exile since then.

He returned to Thailand in February 2008 to face corruption charges, but he later fled into exile again and was convicted in absentia.

Bangkok to review loans for Cambodia's road projects

2009-11-12T03:20:00.000-08:00

The Nation-12/11/2009
Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva on Thursday ordered an review of two road construction projects with Cambodia which involved loans of more than Bt1.4 bn to Phnom Penh.

The review is a further move of his government to protest Cambodia’s appointment of convicted ex-Thai PM Thaksin Shinawatra as economic adviser to Khmer PM Hun Sen and his government.

Deputy Finance Minister Pruetichai Damrongrat told reporters that the No 68 road will link Chong Chom checkpoint in Surin province to Cambodia.

Meanwhile Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban said that the cabinet will not consider an financial assistance of Bt31 million to Cambodia in its meeting next week.

The proposal is put on hold as a measure of Thailand to protest Cambodia.

In a separate interview, Abhisit said he was considering further measures against Cambodia, but vowed that his government would not seal off checkpoints on the border and said that the rift with Phnom Pen would not lead to violence.

“I don’t want the situation going out of control,” he said.

Fighter vs.Boxer:PM hopes to turn tables with new request

2009-11-12T03:17:00.000-08:00

The Nation-12/11/2009
Slams Chavalit for worsening political tension

Their styles have become obvious now: if Hun Sen is a fighter, Abhisit Vejjajiva is a boxer.

After Bangkok’s extradition request for ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra was rejected virtually on its arrival in Phnom Penh yesterday morning, the Thai prime minister played it cool. The document will be resubmitted after a legal review, and all the while the Thai government will be hoping that the Thaksin saga will in the end prove to be a bigger embarrassment for the Thai fugitive’s host.

Abhisit also threatened a further review of Thai assistance to Cambodia, but it was clear Bangkok would try its best not to let this degenerate into a street-fighting version of diplomacy.

Cambodia’s wild punches have hit Thailand below the belt. Its stern reply to the extradition request was basically that Phnom Penh would never return to Thailand a victim of political persecution who had “overwhelmingly” won democratic elections here.

Abhisit smiled after Thailand’s request was thrown out as soon as it was submitted to Cambodian authorities.

“The Foreign Ministry will have the document reviewed by the Office of the Attorney-General for relevant legal points. It’s said Cambodia did not follow the international practices,” the prime minister said.

He said his government would have to make a further study of cooperation projects between the countries, in addition to the measures agreed by the Cabinet on Tuesday. Those include scrapping of a memorandum of understanding with Cambodia made during the Thaksin administration about an overlapping maritime area.

The PM said there would be no closure of the border between the countries, but that authorities would take tougher measures with Thai gamblers playing at Cambodian casinos.

“In fact, we have not been sufficiently strict about this matter,” he said, while dismissing the possibility that the use of force would be required.

Abhisit said Thaksin should have been aware that he was causing renewed conflict between the countries. “Many things that the former prime minister did over the past few days affected the feelings of Thais,” he added.

“He caused the problem that he must be aware of. What he does is not something other Thais would do,” said the prime minister.

He also blamed Chavalit Yongchaiyudh for the rising tensions.

“I thought that he had come back to politics to help with reconciliation. He went on an overseas trip just once and he has caused a [big] problem and conflict between the two countries,” Abhisit said of the Pheu Thai Party’s new chairman.

Thailand’s charge d’affaires in Phnom Penh arrived at the Cambodian Foreign Ministry at about 8.30am, but had to wait for two hours before he could actually hand the extradition request to an apparently junior Cambodian official.

Two hours later, the Cambodian government gave its official response.

Thaksin’s prosecution, the reply said, was a consequence of the 2006 coup. It stated, in upper case for em-phasis, that “he was OVERWHELMINGLY and DEMOCRATICALLY elected by the Thai people”.

“This response letter is enough to tell [Thailand] that there will be no extradition,” Hun Sen said at a televised press conference alongside Thaksin in Phnom Penh.

Cowboy Diplomacy:" Abhisit could die from problems"

2009-11-12T03:13:00.000-08:00

The Nation-12/11/2009
Cambodian PM Hun Sen’s recent interview showed no love lost between him and the current Thai government.
Cambodian PM Hun Sen meets the press and following is an excerpt of his conversation.

Problems with the Thai-Cambodia bilateral ties:The problem with Thai-Cambodia relations is really a problem between myself and Khun Abhisit (Vejjajiva), the prime minister of Thailand. Before anybody speaks about this, they need to understand that I have been working in politics when the Thai prime minister was still a child.

Border closing:If you want to close the border, close it. Cambodia will take up action in response. Cambodia will close the border, as well as shut out economic activities as well. Even one mouse will not be permitted to cross the border. We can get Thai goods through other countries. In 2008, Thailand exported US$2 billion to Cambodia – but Cambodia exported only US$90 million to Thailand. I don’t want to close the border as it would affect the people, but the Thai prime minister is making threats.

Appointing Thaksin Shinawatra as economic adviser:
I want to be clear to all Thai people that the government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva is the one making an issue out of this. Cambodia has appointed a number of foreigners as economic advisers in the past, including Koreans and Australians and I don’t see what the prime minister is afraid of. I have explained to the Asean meeting in Hua Hin, and I have been very patient about it, but I have been at the receiving end of Thailand’s attack. It was Abhisit who went on and invalidated the MoU (on joint development of overlapping territory in the Gulf of Thailand).

Who is really serving whom?Khun Abhisit is alleging that Thailand’s dignity is at stake. But I want to tell you that the “red shirts” support this appointment (of Thaksin) but the “yellow shirts” don’t. And there are those who are remaining quiet about this whole thing. These people know that the Hun Sen government is a good administration. My government is not being used by anybody. I think it’s Abhisit who has become a tool of Thaksin. Whenever Thaksin opens up on certain issues, it is Abhisit who reacts accordingly and acted without thinking about the interests of the country and its people. He is using personal reasons to cancel cooperation between two countries. Can Thai people live with a leader like this? Can a person like this lead Asean? Asean will eventually become one market and possibly one currency but it’s Thailand who is behaving aggressively against Cambodia. During the Angkor civilisation there were accusations that Thailand had lost territory to Cambodia. Study your history and you will see who is the real aggressor.

What can Asean do?Cambodia is prepared to negotiate any place, any time, in a bilateral or multilateral setting. But it appeared that Thailand has already decided that this is not going to happen. Asean Secretary-General Surin (Pitsuwan) needs to understand that it has to be comprehensive and should include the 19 September 2006 coup (against Thaksin), the overlapping claims along the border, the appointment of Thaksin as economic advisor. You can use whatever mechanism you want, Cambodia is ready. I helped safe Thailand and Abhisit’s face by not talking about this at Asean Summit in Hua Hin. You want to solve this problem you should go to the beginning. If this is about appointing Thaksin, then we need to all the way back to the 19 September coup. If Ahisit is so capable, why not dissolve the Parliament and call for a new election. What is he afraid of? I am the prime minister of Cambodia who received two-third of the vote and how much vote did Abhisit received or did he stole his seat from other people? If so how do you expect to respect you?

Insulting Thailand:Abhisit is faced with all kinds of problems. He could die from it. He has problem with all his neighbours, including Laos, Cambodia, Malaysia and Myanmar. Moreover, he has problem with the yellow shirt, the red shirt and the blue shirt and the white shirt. Even the yellow shirt are not united among their own kind. What due respect does Cambodia has to give Thailand? Appointing Thaksin has nothing to do with Thailand? I have told Abhisit that Thaksin is my friend. Friend don’t betray friend.

About disrespecting Thailand’s judicial system:There is nothing in the Thai judicial system that is worth respecting. In the past Khieu Samphan, Nuan Chea was residing in Cambodia before they relocate to Cambodia. This was not only a violation of international laws and norms, Thailand even endorse Khmer Rogue and the peace process. I want the Thai people to know that the government don’t even respect international law and so how can we even respect Thai judicial system?

On Preah Vihear Temple:We negotiated with Thailand three times. We agreed to solve the problem peacefully. But the agreement they signed was erased with their feet. Thailand obstructed Thailand’s bid (for Unesco World Heritage) and has the nerve to say that it has nothing to do with Cambodia. It’s like they are calling us stupid. Thailand has used Preah Vihear as a hostage and used it to take down a government. I have asked Parliament President Chai Chidchob for help but he said the issue has passed the Parliament. Thailand politicised this issue at the expense of prolonging the problem.

Thaksin gives lecture for his role as adviser of Cambodia

2009-11-12T03:10:00.000-08:00

Phnom Penh, 12/11/2009 (Xinhua) — Ousted former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra on Thursday took his role for the first time as adviser of Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Royal Government of Cambodia to give a lecture to more than 300 Cambodian economic experts at the Ministry of Economy and Finance.

Thaksin’s first lecture focused on “Strategy to Fight Financial and Economic Crisis.”

Keat Chhon, deputy prime minister and minister of economy and finance, said in his welcome speech that “He (Thaksin) initiated many eye-catching policies … They affected the economy, public health, education, energy, social order, drug suppression and international relations.”

“I think that there are a lot of things we can learn from Thaksin’s very recent and distinctive experiences in order to design our own policies to address the challenges posed by the crisis and bring our economy back to its high growth record.

Relations between the two neighboring countries were further strained recently after Cambodia named ousted former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra its economic adviser. Thailand recalled its ambassador Thursday, and Cambodia followed suit.

Thaksin was ousted in a 2006 military coup for alleged massive corruption and other charges. His supporters say he should be pardoned and returned to power. Since the coup, Thaksin has lived abroad to escape a corruption conviction and two-year prison sentence.

Thaksin arrived here on Tuesday. After his arrival, Thailand government asked Cambodia to “provisional arrest for the purpose of extradition of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, but was turned down by Cambodian government saying it “considers the prosecution and legal process against Thaksin Shinawatra as a politically motivated proceeding.”

On Wednesday, Prime Minister Hun Sen held talks with Thaksin for nearly two hours at his Takhmau surburb residence. Hun Sen also said that he has no plan to discuss Thaksin’s visit in Cambodia during Saturday’s meeting between ASEAN leaders and U.S. President Barack Obama in Singapore on the sideline of APEC meeting.

Cambodia PM to attend ASEAN leaders' meeting with US President in Singapore

2009-11-12T03:07:00.000-08:00

Phnom Penh, 11/ 11/2009 (Xinhua) — Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen will lead a high delegation to Singapore to participate in the first ASEAN leaders’ meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama, said a press release from Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Wednesday.

The meeting with Barack Obama will be held on Nov. 15, 2009 in Singapore.

The delegation will include Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Hor Namhong, Senior Minister and Minister of Commerce Cham Prasidh and other members the Royal Government of Cambodia.

During the upcoming meeting, the leaders wil exchange views ona wide range of concern and adopt a joint statement, the press release said.

Founded in 1967, the ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asia Nations) groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

Thailand not to close Thai-Cambodian border

2009-11-12T03:04:00.000-08:00

Bangkok, 11/11/2009 (Xinhua) — The Thai-Cambodia border’s situation has remained normal, while Thailand still has no policy to close the border, Thailand’s involved authorities announced Wednesday.

The announcement was made after the Cambodian government has refused Thailand’s request to extradite ousted former Thai premier Thaksin Shinawatra to Thailand.

Thailand and Cambodia have downgraded their diplomatic relations due to conflict over the appointment of Thaksin as an economic advisor to Cambodia’s government on Nov. 4.

A day after the appointment of Thaksin, the Cambodian government announced recall of its ambassador to Thailand in a move to respond to the Thai government’s recall of its ambassador to Cambodia.

However, the government will not close the border since the Thai government has viewed this as the governmental-level matter, Thai News Agency quoted Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Vimon Kidchobas saying.

The border closure will negatively affect the people of the two countries, the spokeswoman said.
In a related development, Thailand’s Army Region 2 Commander LtGeneral Veevarit Chornsamrit said the border situation has remained normal.

There was no factor which would cause a border clash, the Army Region 2 Commander said.

Meanwhile, Lt General Veevarit said he was not officially reported about news reports, which said Thaksin would enter into Thailand through the Thai-Cambodian border.

Thaksin, who arrived in Cambodia on Tuesday, will on Thursday hold a briefing with over 300 Cambodian economics experts at the Ministry of Economy and Finance, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen said earlier.

Thaksin was ousted by the military coup in September 2006, in accusation of corruption, and has been kept in exile since then. He returned to Thailand in February 2008 to face corruption charges, but he later fled into exile again and was convicted in absentia.

Calls for Myanmar polls

2009-11-11T04:11:00.000-08:00

Singapore,11/11/2009(AP)- The US and Southeast Asian nations will tell Myanmar's military junta to hold credible and fair elections in which pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi can participate, according to a document obtained on Wednesday by The Associated Press.

Similar calls have been issued in the past by both sides, but it carries more political significance and weight this time because of the setting in which it is being made - at the first-ever summit between President Barack Obama and leaders of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which includes Myanmar, on Sunday.

A draft copy of a statement be issued at the end of the summit says that Myanmar's 2010 general elections 'must be conducted in a free, fair, inclusive and transparent manner in order to be credible to the international community.'

The United States has signalled a policy shift by seeking to engage Myanmar, also known as Burma, rather than pursue a one-track strategy of sanctions to bring about democratic change in the impoverished country, which has been ruled by the military since 1962.

The generals in charge have steadfastly snubbed the international community, including its friends in Asean, by refusing to free Nobel Peace laureate Suu Kyi, who has spent 14 of the past 20 years in detention.

The sanctions policy enforced by successive US administrations had until now prevented the US from having a deeper interaction with Asean because of Myanmar's membership in it. But that changed when the US sent two top diplomats to Myanmar for talks with the generals last week. On Sunday, Obama will sit at the same table with Myanmar's Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein at the US-Asean summit on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit earlier that day.

Cambodia rejects Thai request

2009-11-11T04:07:00.000-08:00

AP-11/11/2009
Phnom Penh - Cambodia has turned down a request from Thailand to arrest former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who last year was sentenced in absentia by a Thai court to two years imprisonment for violating a conflict of interest law.

A statement from Cambodia's Foreign Affairs Ministry on Wednesday said the request to detain Thaksin for extradition would not be honoured because the legal case against him was politically motivated, and therefore not covered by the countries' extradition treaty.

The ministry handed over a statement refusing to extradite the billionaire - ousted in a 2006 coup and later sentenced to two years in prison for graft - just seconds after officials from the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh submitted the request.

'Cambodia considers the prosecution and legal process against His Excellency Mr Thaksin Shinawatra as a politically motivated proceeding,' the ministry said in a statement. It said it would not recognise the charges because Thaksin was toppled by the military after being 'overwhelmingly anddemocratically elected by the Thai people', adding: 'Taking into consideration these absolute realities ... Cambodia is not in a position to make the provisional arrest for the purpose of extradition.'

The rejection is likely to anger Thai authorities, already fuming after the former telecommunications tycoon arrived in Cambodia on Tuesday to take up a job as economic adviser to its government.

The diplomatic spat could undermine any attempt by South-east Asian leaders to project a united front in talks with US President Barack Obama on Sunday in Singapore, the first-ever meeting between a US leader and all 10 members of the Association of South-east Asian Nations (Asean).

Cambodian PM to attend ASEAN leaders' meeting with U.S. president in Singapore

2009-11-11T04:01:00.000-08:00

Phnom Penh, 11/ 11/2009 (Xinhua) -- Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen will lead a high delegation to Singapore to participate in the first ASEAN leaders' meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama, said a press release from Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Wednesday.

The meeting with Barack Obama will be held on Nov. 15, 2009 in Singapore.

The delegation will include Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Hor Namhong, Senior Minister and Minister of Commerce Cham Prasidh and other members the Royal Government of Cambodia.
During the upcoming meeting, the leaders will exchange views ona wide range of concern and adopt a joint statement, the press release said.

Founded in 1967, the ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asia Nations) groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

Myanmar determined to see to policies laid down for better future: top leader

2009-11-11T03:18:00.000-08:00

YANGON, 11/11/2009 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar top leader Senior-General Than Shwe said on Wednesday that the government is determined to see to the policies it has laid down for better future of the nation and the people.

Than Shwe, Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council, made the remarks in his message on the occasion of the country's National Day which falls on Wednesday, referring the policies to the government's seven-step roadmap to democracy.

The state's seven-step roadmap is in the process of implementation to shape the nation into a peaceful, modern and developed discipline-flourishing democratic one, he said, adding that the government is gearing up to hold the election in 2010 according to a new constitution approved in May last year.

"The people on their part are to elect reliable candidates in the public interest," he warned. He called for working hard with nationalistic vigor to uplift national prestige and integrity and to achieve success in implementing the roadmap.

Under the government's fifth step of its seven-step roadmap announced in 2003, a multi-party democracy general election is to be held next year in accordance with the 2008 new state constitution to produce parliament representatives and form a new civilian government to which the state power is to hand over.

Cambodia denies Thailand's extradition request for Thaksin

2009-11-11T03:13:00.001-08:00

Phnom Penh, 11/11/209 (Xinhua) -- The Cambodian government on Wednesday has returned a letter of denial to Thailand's request for extraditing ex-Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

In a letter to the Thailand Embassy in Phnom Penh, Cambodian government said that with reference to Thai's Note dated Nov. 10 "requesting the provisional arrest for the purpose of extradition of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, the Royal Government of Cambodia considers the prosecution and legal process against Thaksin Shinawatra as a politically motivated proceeding."

"The condemnation of H.E. Mr.Thaksin Shinawatra is logically the consequence of the military Coup d'Etat in September 2006 which resulted in his removal from the post of Prime Minister, while he was overwhelmingly and democratically elected by the Thaipeople," it said.

"Therefore, taking into consideration of the absolute realities, the Royal Government of Cambodia is not in a position to make the provisional arrest for the purpose of extradition of H.E. Mr. Thaksin Shinawatra as requested."

Thaksin Shinawatra arrived at Phnom Penh on Tuesday morning to take up his new job as the adviser of Cambodian Prime Minister HunSen and the Royal Government. He will give a lecture to some 300 Cambodian economists on Thursday.

It remains unclear when will he leave Cambodia, but government sources said he might not stay long here.

Relations between the two neighboring countries were further strained recently after Cambodia named Thaksin its economic adviser. Thailand recalled its ambassador Thursday, and Cambodia followed suit.

Thaksin was ousted in a 2006 military coup for alleged massive corruption and other charges. His supporters say he should be pardoned and returned to power. Since the coup, Thaksin has lived abroad to escape a corruption conviction and two-year prison sentence.

Thai PM says sad Cambodia denies to extradite Thaksin

2009-11-11T03:04:00.000-08:00

Bangkok,11/11/2009(Xinhua) -- It is sad that Cambodia has refused to extradite ousted former Thai premier Thaksin Shinawatrato Thailand, Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said Wednesday.

"Cambodia has not followed international principle," the Thai prime minister was quoted by Thai News Agency as saying.
Hence, the Thai government has planned to review aid projects for Cambodia, Abhisit announced.

However, the diplomatic standoff between the two neighboring governments will not affect the relationships between the people of the two countries as there is no policy to close the Thai-Cambodian border, Abhisit said.

Also, the Thai government will not use any military force to deal with this bilateral problem, he said.

But, the Thai government will be stricter for Thais who will travel for gambling in Cambodia, Abhisit said. Meanwhile, Abhisit has not been convinced after Thaksin claimed earlier he can be mediation for Thailand and Cambodia to solve the problem.
Abhisit said he has doubted over Thaksin's announcement since Thaksin himself is the origin of the ongoing bilateral problem.

Thailand and Cambodia have downgraded their diplomatic relations due to conflict over an appointment of Thaksin as an economic advisor to Cambodia's government on Nov. 4.

A day after the appointment of Thaksin, the Cambodian government announced recall of its ambassador to Thailand in a move to respond to the Thai government's recall of its ambassador to Cambodia.

Thaksin, who arrived in Cambodia on Tuesday, will on Thursday hold a briefing with over 300 Cambodian economics experts at the Ministry of Economy and Finance, Hun Sen said earlier.

Thaksin was ousted by the military coup in September 2006, in accusation of corruption, and has been kept in exile since then. He returned to Thailand in February 2008 to face corruption charges, but he later fled into exile again and was convicted in absentia.

Hold Polls Soon

2009-11-10T18:51:00.000-08:00

ST-11/11/2009 by Nirmal Ghosh
Bangkok – Former Thai premier and veteran politician Chavalit Yongchaiyudh said on Tuesday that the government should call an election soon, warning that ’something big could happen’ if it did not.

The enigmatic 77-year-old former army chief, who created a stir when he joined the Thaksin Shinawatra-aligned Puea Thai as its chairman last month, did not elaborate.

Asked if the Puea Thai would win an election, he laughed and said: ‘Of course.’

But he warned that Thailand would always suffer internal divisions if the military did not stop interfering in politics. Current political divisiveness was a result of the September 2006 coup d’etat which deposed former premier Thaksin on the basis of corruption and disrespect for the monarchy, he said.

‘We have been trying to integrate people with different points of view for the past 40 years,’ he told a small group of foreign journalists. ‘But we have to make sure of a political environment that is conducive to a true democracy where every voice counts.’

‘Power has not been vested in the people, there has been no genuine democracy, for 77 years,’ he added, referring to the change in 1932 from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy.

Cadres face propect of more arrests

2009-11-10T18:36:00.000-08:00

Meas Muth,former Khmer Rouge military division chairman

PPP-10/11/2009 by Robbie Corey Boulet and May Titthara
Former Khmer Rouge describe complex attachment to regime and its legacy.
Oddar Meanchey and Battambang Provinces
At the age of 14, Out Moeun left her family home in Anlong Veng district, Oddar Meanchey province, to work for Khmer Rouge Central Committee member Chhit Choeun, alias Ta Mok.

Though it was 1987, a full eight years after the regime fell from power, units of Khmer Rouge soldiers were still scattered throughout Cambodia, and she was one of many girls recruited to supply them with weapons. Every two weeks or so, she and seven other girls would rise before dawn and begin travelling, mostly on foot, to provinces as far afield as Kampong Cham and Kampong Chhnang. They each carried a case of AK-47s on their backs, along with one package containing food, clothing and a hammock.

Government and Vietnamese soldiers, from whom the girls had been instructed to hide, routinely accosted them. “I shot at those enemy troops more times than I know how to count,” Out Moeun, now 36, recalled in an interview at her roadside grocery stall less than a kilometre from Ta Mok’s old house. She was hit only once in those exchanges, sustaining a bullet wound she showed off readily: a deep purple scar on the right side of her belly.

Like many former cadres in Anlong Veng, a former Khmer Rouge stronghold, Out Moeun still speaks admiringly of the movement’s leaders, particularly Ta Mok, whom she described as “a good leader” and “a better man than Pol Pot”. She shed tears when discussing his arrest in 1999 and his 2006 death in pretrial detention at the Khmer Rouge tribunal.

This allegiance, however, has not translated into resentment towards the tribunal itself, which she credited with operating “according to the law”. Asked if she was concerned about international prosecutors’ ongoing push for more investigations, she said she was far too busy supporting her family to pay much attention to the tribunal and its work.

She added: “I don’t care about the court arresting more people, because the people they would arrest are not related to those of us at the lower levels. We don’t care.”

The question of how former cadres might respond to more arrests assumed greater urgency after the tribunal announced in September that it had opened the door to investigations beyond those of the five leaders currently detained. That decision overrode objections raised by national co-prosecutor Chea Leang, who had argued that, as a result of additional prosecutions, “ex-members and those who have allegiance to Khmer Rouge leaders may commit violent acts”. Five days after the announcement, Prime Minister Hun Sen echoed this warning in a speech, saying, “If you want a tribunal, but you don’t want to consider peace and reconciliation and war breaks out again, killing 200,000 or 300,000 people, who will be responsible?”

Contrary to these statements, interviews with former cadres in Anlong Veng and Samlot, another former stronghold in Battambang province, suggested a more complicated attachment to the regime and its legacy, one that would seem to preclude outright violence in response to an expanded dragnet. Like Out Moeun, most former cadres disavowed any personal stake in the fate of former regime leaders, though they also took obvious pride in the power those leaders once wielded – and in their own small contributions in support of that power.

San Roeun, a 56-year-old former soldier who now sells tickets to Ta Mok’s house, which has been transformed into a government-run tourism site, expressed concern about how more arrests might affect “the political situation”. But he ruled out the prospect of civil war, emphasising that he and others like him had little interest in the welfare of those who might be arrested.

“The reason I joined the Khmer Rouge was because I wanted to help King Sihanouk,” he said. “I never knew about Pol Pot. We wanted to fight Lon Nol.”

Reminiscing on his years in combat, he spoke at length of his performance on the battlefield, describing his ability not only to survive but to continue killing government troops during the 1980s.

“My son and daughter, they are in school now, and they are reading about the history of the Khmer Rouge killings,” he said, sitting in the booth from which he sells 50 tickets on a typical day. “Sometimes they ask me, ‘Who is the Khmer Rouge? Who did all this killing?’ And when they do that, I clap my hands on my chest and say, ‘It’s me. Your father is the Khmer Rouge.’”

Oddar Meanchey.Former military chairman speaks out
Among the few cadres who claimed that more arrests could in fact lead to civil war were Meas Muth, a former Khmer Rouge military division chairman, and Im Chem, a former Khmer Rouge district chief, who have been named by scholars and in the media, respectively, as possible suspects.

In an interview at his Samlot home, Meas Muth, who was listed as a possible suspect in a 2001 report by historian Stephen Heder and war crimes lawyer Brian Tittemore, said Hun Sen’s prediction of “200,000 or 300,000” deaths was sound.

“Hun Sen knows everything about his country, and he was thinking about its future. There could be civil war,” said the former secretary of Central Committee Division 164, which incorporated the Khmer Rouge navy. He added that his “supporters” would likely take part in the unrest, and that he had supporters “everywhere in Kampuchea”.

In their report, titled “Seven Candidates for Prosecution: Accountability for the Crimes of the Khmer Rouge”, Heder and Tittemore point to “compelling evidence” suggesting that Meas Muth was responsible for the execution of cadres under his command. That evidence includes 24 Tuol Sleng confessions signed by prisoners from his division.

Though Meas Muth denies having been informed of Khmer Rouge arrest, interrogation and execution policies, the report includes accounts of meetings during which they were apparently discussed. At a General Staff meeting he attended in 1976, for instance, Son Sen, the defence minister, instructed those present to “have an absolute standpoint about purging counterrevolutionary elements; don’t be half-baked”. The following month, Son Sen said at a similar meeting that the party should do “whatever needs to be done to make our army clean”. At that meeting, according to the report, Meas Muth said, “On this I would like to be in total agreement and unity with the party. Do whatever needs to be done not to allow the situation to get out of hand” and to prevent the strengthening of “no-good elements or enemies”.

Along with an overview of the evidence and its implications, the report includes a thumbnail sketch of a young Meas Muth, a broad-shouldered man in a plaid shirt with full, closed lips and a thick head of brown hair. For the interview in Samlot, the former commander, now 73, wore a light blue button-up half-sleeve shirt over a tank top. His lips, when opened, revealed stained, jagged teeth, and his considerably thinner hair had whitened.

As he talked, he smoked tobacco wrapped in tree leaves and spat into a dark blue pail that rested beside his chair. The shade of the pail matched exactly the stones embedded in the patterned tiles that covered the floor, one of the more eye-catching features of his sprawling home, which comprises three buildings and is surrounded by a 5-hectare orchard of coconut, mango and jackfruit trees. Another highlight is the staircase of the main building, an imposing spiral made of polished beng wood.

Completed in 2006, the house stands in marked contrast with the more modest, though comfortable, stilt constructions nearby, and has become a frequent gathering place for Meas Muth’s neighbours, many of whom are relatives, supporters or soldiers who fought under him. On the afternoon of the interview, neighbours stopped by periodically to discuss plans for the next day’s Kathen festival celebration to be held at the nearby Ta Sanh Chas pagoda, the construction of which Meas Muth has largely funded.

One family brought a guest who had never before been to the house. Upon entering, she complimented Meas Muth on the stones in the floor. Meas Muth looked down and said: “These stones, these are just simple stones. They are not high-quality.” The guest then walked to the staircase, put her arm on the banister and marvelled at the sheen of the wood. Meas Muth replied, “That’s made out of just simple wood. It is not a rare quality. It is just normal wood. Maybe you could find it anywhere.”

After 10 minutes of small-talk, the family left, and Meas Muth answered questions about the allegations laid out in the Heder
and Tittemore report.

“Yes, I remember that man,” he said, referring to Heder, the principal author. “He spoke Khmer fluently, and then he just wrote blah blah. It wasn’t true. He just wrote what he heard, not what he saw.”

He said that, contrary to the report, he spent the regime years as a “simple leader” supervising workers in the Battambang rice fields.

“I had never heard about S-21, because I was not in Phnom Penh. I was here, in Samlot, so I just knew everything around me,” he said.

He acknowledged having attended the meetings mentioned in the report, including a General Staff meeting in September 1976 at which Tuol Sleng was represented by its third-ranking cadre. But he said he did not remember what was discussed. “I can’t remember because it’s been over 30 years already,” he said.

He said he would not be surprised if the court came to arrest him, though he argued that this would be a waste of everyone’s time, in no small part because, unlike Tuol Sleng prison chief Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, he would resist cooperating with any attempt to prosecute him. Not for him, apparently, the teary confessions, the claims of responsibility or the pleas for forgiveness that were the hallmarks of the Duch hearings.

“Duch is crazy, because he wants the tribunal to be the end of his life,” Meas Muth said. “For me, I will not cooperate. I want to have a life, like all other people.”

‘We must follow the leader’
Like Meas Muth, former Khmer Rouge district chief Im Chem, who in September was reported to be a suspect by the French newspaper
Le Monde, said the threat of unrest was real.

In an interview at her home in Anlong Veng, where she lives with her husband and one of her two daughters, she said attempts to uncover the truth about old conflicts would inevitably give rise to new ones.

“If you want to recover it, it will become new,” she said. “People will go to protest in Phnom Penh to demand that the prime minister doesn’t arrest more people, because he said he wouldn’t. And if he allows it to happen anyway, civil war will happen again.”

The Northwest Zone district Im Chem headed, Preah Net Preah, was home to Trapaing Thmar Dam, the regime’s biggest irrigation project.

“Thousands and thousands of people were sent there to dig this water basin, which is even bigger than the baray at Angkor Wat,” Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam), said in an email. Notorious for its brutal working conditions, the dam was included in a list of work sites falling under the scope of the investigation for the court’s second case that was made public last week. DC-Cam’s 2007 annual report describes Im Chem as “one of the overseers of the [dam’s] construction”.

Im Chem, now 67, repeated her claim that the dam was completed by the time she was transferred to Preah Net Preah, and she added that, as district chief, she had the authority only “to encourage people to work in the rice fields”.

Several former cadres and experts said Im Chem was too far down the chain of command to be a likely candidate for prosecution. “If she is one of the suspects, then the gates are wide open, since there are a number of former Khmer Rouge on her level who are still alive,” said Alex Hinton, author of Why Did They Kill?: Cambodia in the Shadow of Genocide.

For her part, Im Chem said she survived the regime by following Ta Mok from her native Takeo province to the northwest, adding that any crimes she might have committed were the result of having obeyed his orders. “We live in a society where we must follow the leader,” she said.

She denied being concerned about talk of more arrests, though she, too, said she would not cooperate with an investigation.

If the court were to detain her, she asked that she at least receive advanced notice. “If they want to take me to the court, they should alert me first, because sometimes I take naps, and it would take me by surprise if I were sleeping,” she said. “Plus, I have said again and again that I do not want to go to that court.”

‘Finish the job’
Though Meas Muth and Im Chem were largely alone in their descriptions of the threat of civil war, many low-level cadres shared their view that more arrests would do more harm than good, citing concerns that any resulting tension, even if it didn’t lead to violence, could compromise efforts to promote national reconciliation and economic development.

Those residents of Anlong Veng and Samlot who have no ties to the regime, however, for the most part encouraged the court to continue its pursuit of former leaders.

“The prime minister says he will not allow the court to arrest anyone else, but I don’t care,” said Long Thy, 49, who moved to Anlong Veng in 1999. “I want to see justice. If they can investigate even just one more leader, they should do it. It’s up to the court.”

Mao Sovannara, 41, a Royal Cambodian Armed Forces soldier who has been posted in Samlot since 2005, said it was the government’s responsibility to remedy any problems resulting from more arrests, not to air its views on whether they should be carried out in the first place.

In 1975, at the age of 7, the Battambang native was taken from his home and sent to a cooperative in Banteay Meanchey, a move that separated him from his parents, his brother and his sister. The conditions in the rice fields, he said, were “like torture”, and he never saw his parents and brother again.

Speaking outside the grocery stall they run in the Samlot market, both he and his sister, Mao Ravin, said they had gotten to know Meas Muth since moving there, and that they had no problem with him personally. “I do not discriminate against him,” Mao Ravin said. “He’s a good man now.”

But Mao Sovannara said his relationships with Meas Muth and other cadres had not altered his belief that the tribunal was necessary. “I’ve waited over 30 years to see justice, so the tribunal should be allowed to do its work,” he said. “The young generation will get important knowledge, and also a lesson: When you start something, you don’t stop in the middle. You finish the job.”

Two former ethnic peace groups reformed into frontier forces

2009-11-10T18:32:00.000-08:00

YANGON, Nov. 10 (Xinhua) — Two former ethnic peace groups — New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDA-K) in Kachin State Special Region-1 and Kayinni Nationalities People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF) in Kayah State Special Region-2 have been re-formed into frontier forces by the government, state-run Myanmar Radio and Television reported Tuesday evening.

The two peace groups are the first to have been reformed into such border guard forces.

Ceremonies were respectively held in some areas of the regions on Sunday to mark the transformation to the frontier forces, attended by the government’s local military commanders and hundreds of local people, the report said.

The report added that the former peace groups were so transformed so as to enable them to hold arms legally under the command of the government armed forces.

The NDA-K, led by Sakhone Ting Ying, ceased fire with the government in December 1989, while the KNPLF did so in May 1994.

In Kachin state, there established some two special regions for the resettlement of Kachin ethnic peace groups after they returned to the government’s legal fold about 15 years ago with the New Democratic Army (NDA-Kachin) in Kachin State Special Region-1 and KIO in Kachin State Special Region-2.

In Kayah state, there are three special regions.

Since the present government came to power in late 1988, 17 anti-government major ethnic armed groups and over 20 small groups were claimed to have returned to the legal fold by signing respective ceasefire agreements with the government. Some of the armed groups were resettled with special regions with arms retained, conditionally enjoying self-administration.

Under the government’s fifth step of its seven-step roadmap announced in 2003, a multi-party democracy general election is to be held in 2010 in accordance with the 2008 new state constitution to produce parliament representatives and form a new civilian government.

The 2008 new state constitution prescribes that all the armed forces in the union shall be under the command of the Defense Services.

Meanwhile, the government urged ethnic peace groups in the country to adhere to the provisions of the approved new state constitution in the light of upcoming general election next year.

“The national race armed groups will have to reconsider formation of their political parties if they wish to work for their regional development within the framework of the constitution,” official media said.

There also remains 10 legal political parties in Myanmar.

Thailand's election commission defers deliberation of allegation on ruling Democrat Party

2009-11-10T18:26:00.000-08:00

XinHua-10/11/2009
BANGKOK, Nov. 10 (Xinhua) — Thailand’s Election Commission (EC) on Tuesday has postponed its deliberation of an allegation that the Democrat Party has unlawfully obtained 258 million baht (7.74 million U.S. dollars) worth of donation from a Thai listed company.

The Democrat Party, which has led the current coalition government, is being investigated for allegedly having received the donation of 258 million baht from the listed firm, TPI Polene Plc.

The Election Commission has decided to defer the deliberation pending a testimony by TPI chairman Prachai Liewpairat.

Thailand’s charter has prohibited a political party from receiving donation of over 10 million baht (300,210 U.S. dollars) a year from an individual or a company.

One possible scenario, which might occur, is if the party is found of guilty, the Democrat Party might be dissolved.

Op-ed: ASEAN sleight Cambodia

2009-11-09T18:32:00.000-08:00

By Kok Sap -5/11/2009

In the world attention, Thailand has been at odd with Cambodia over its old border issues since Phlaek and Sarit were still alive. Strangely, its current half divine King knows but ado nothing to insure the regional peace and harmony. Thailand employed old issues to raise its current hidden agendas to incriminate Cambodia. The world already knows Cambodia is in a deep hell hole and no time soon it can redeem itself.

Also, the world knows Cambodia is no threat to region stability. The world mandated Cambodia to reduce armed forces to ensure peace and stability. Its internal and external problems can’t be resolved without world contributions. Presently Cambodia people faces own internal problems and no need of a new war. Why Thailand creates bad feeling for its citizens to involve Cambodia?

It’s no hero of Thailand to kick the already downed Cambodia.

In July 2008, Thailand sent troops to occupy Cambodia land near Preah Vihear. Yet ASEAN sleight Cambodia complaints. Its chairman, Singapore, sided with Thailand and shelved away Cambodia complaints of Thailand breach of agreements in violation of the 1991 Paris Peace Accord.

After few firefights between Thailand and Cambodia troops, ASEAN forbade Cambodia from raising matter at its Summit and elsewhere. Yet the tension between Cambodia and Thailand escaladed constantly. Last April from failing to secure safety and ASEAN Summit convening, Thailand politicized its internal polarization at Cambodia anxiety. Last month, at its Summit, Thailand assumed chairmanship.

Current Thailand government implored Cambodia not to muddy the disturbed water at the ASEAN Summit. However, the right wing dictatorial inclined PAD spats fueled Thailand to alienate Cambodia from ASEAN further. Heated war of words over Preah Vihear border animated ASEAN summit. Now, Bangkok recalled its ambassador to Cambodia in retaliatory over Thaksin accepted job offer from Cambodia head of government. Reciprocity obliged by Cambodia as well. This critical event raised peace makers’ eyebrows.

Current Thai government is held hostage by the radical anarchist Yellow dictatorial inclined to demand Cambodia troops be pulled from borderline or else. The Yellow leader Sonthi, a foreign mold, boasted if Cambodia wanted war with Thailand, Phnom Penh will be bombed to dust by Thai powerful F-16 Jetfighter squadrons. Yellow wanted Thailand to end diplomatic relations and nullifying all agreements with Cambodia now. Bangkok government timidly obliged and kowtowed to thug politics. The danger for Thailand is eminent if there won’t be general election and democracy will be finished.

Meanwhile the Yellow Party will overtake Abhisit government by military decree. Most likely, the military coup plot donned Yellow shirts are in the making to fool public and media. This way the popular Thaksin and the opposition parties will have no place in election. Worst yet, if the current King died unexpectedly, another Phlaek Phibunsongkhram- Sarit Dhanarajata styled rule will be re-invoked to return Thailand to Siam absolute militaristic monarchism.

Presently, Thailand already faces regional ethnic unrests, movement of anti-classism and feudalism that can lead to full blown civil war any time soon. To war with Cambodia will not help Thailand to earn sympathy from the democracy world. So Cambodia may well be its first step in exercising its tolerance and understanding of the thousand li journey to reach peace.

Fathers Betrayal Passes Down to Sons

2009-11-09T18:23:00.000-08:00

Comment: The story gives an interesting pattern of behavior between fathers versus fathers then sons versus sons. May be the Samsara cycle of Karma between the fathers and fathers then the sons and sons.

The relevance rang up in 1994 when Sam Raingsy, son of Sam Sary, was a minister of finance and had a fall out with Norodom Rannridh, Sihanouk's son, the premier of Cambodia post 30 year war.

The twist of fate ,may be, seems running from past to present generation. The apparent political drama between Sam Raingsy and his estranged father went in circular motion with Sihanouk in the center. Both became monk after failures in personal politics.
Other hand the same goes for Sihanouk and Rannridh, his estranged son’s betrayal against his own deranged politics.

CAMBODIA;Sam the whipper

Time- 21/7/1958

In 1955, at the first nationwide beauty contest ever staged in the remote Indo-Chinese kingdom of Cambodia, Vice Premier Sam Sary was more than an interested spectator. The judges could choose only one winner, but Sary, a suave, Paris-educated ladies' man, picked two. In no time at all, the judges' first choice, coffee-skinned, sarong-clad Tep Kanary, was installed in Sary's household. Later he added Iv Eng Seng, who was only an also-ran with judges, to his collection.
Hero in Trouble. In Cambodia, this was all right with everybody. Besides, Sam Sary was somebody special. As a delegate to the Geneva Conference that ended the Indo-Chinese war in 1954, Sam Sary had become a hero by leading the fight to prevent partition of Cambodia between Communists and non-Communists. Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the King who resigned to become Cambodia's Premier, rewarded his longtime friend and admirer (Sary is the Prince's biographer) by promoting Sary to the vice-premiership.

Then trouble became "Sad Sam" Sary's middle name (TIME, June 10, 1957). Last summer powerful political enemies complained that Sary was granting profitable import licenses to the wrong people, i.e., someone other than Sary's accusers. Tears in eyes, Sary crawled before Sihanouk on hands and knees and asked to be relieved of his job. Tears in eyes, Sihanouk let him go. In remorse, Sary shaved his head and eyebrows, entered a Buddhist monastery.

In January of this year Sary was packed off into gilded exile as Cambodia's Ambassador to Britain. Sary's entourage: his formidable No. 1 wife, *(Thioun) Em, a plump suffragette, and their five children, ranging in age from 8 to 18; Tep Kanary, the young beauty queen, Sam's No. 2 wife and No. 1 mistress; the other beauty, Iv Eng Seng, was either No. 3 wife or No. 2 mistress. To get around British sensibilities, Iv Eng Seng was listed as a governess. Whose business was it that she was also pregnant? Sam Sary called on Queen Elizabeth at Buckingham Palace and presented his credentials.

Switch of String. Last month the idyllic arrangement came to an abrupt end. Iv Eng Seng fled from the embassy with her month-old baby boy to a London nursing home and complained that Sary had severely beaten her "for minor mistakes." Nonsense, replied Ambassador Sary gallantly: "I corrected her by hitting her with a Cambodian string whip. I never hit her on the face, always across the back and the thighs—a common sort of punishment in my country." Besides, said Sary, warming to his subject, he had every right under Cambodian law (he meant Cambodian custom) to whip the girl, because the embassy is "Cambodia in London."

Ambassador Sary got off a protest to the British Foreign Office, objecting to Iv Eng Seng's complaints. Iv Eng Seng applied to Home Minister Richard A. ("Rab") Butler, asking for asylum. Disturbed over the bad name Sad Sam Sary was giving Cambodia, the government back in Phnom Penh, which is in the control of Sary's rivals, whipped off a note of its own, retracting Sary's protest to the Foreign Office as "null and void," and noting: "The government considers that the infliction of corporal punishment on a maid, which is an offense under Cambodian law, is unworthy and incompatible with the functions of a representative abroad of the Head of State." Ambassador Sary wired back: "I maintain my protest and won't let my country be insulted."

The Cambodian government accused him of "grave disobedience," ordered his recall, and issued a public explanation in Phnom Penh that "Sam Sary, helped by his wife, savagely beat his pregnant concubine." Complained Political Rival Sim Var: "Not only does he beat his concubine, but he tells the British press that this is customary in Cambodia, and now the British think we are a country of savages."

As Sary went back home to crawl on his knees before Cambodia's statuesque queen, a 35-year-old London barrister named John Averill—who was guided, he said, by a special vision from his Egyptian spirit, Ra-Men-Ra—stepped forward to rescue the governess in distress. He proposed and promptly married Iv Eng Seng. Averill is an ardent member of the "School of Universal Philosophy and Healing." whose credo is no smoking, no meat eating, and no sex.

CAMBODIA: Tearful Times

Time-10/6/1957

Past the mint-and custard-colored roofs of Phnompenh's lacquered palaces, a black Lincoln limousine sped south, bound for the rambling Cambodian seaside resort of Kep, 90 miles away by the green waters of the Gulf of Siam. Inside the big car, lonely and unhappy, sat cherub-faced Norodom Sihanouk, who gave up his throne to serve as Premier and had already resigned the premiership three times in less than two years. Behind him in Pnompenh Prince Sihanouk left with his father, King Suramarit, a statement of his intention to resign for the fourth time.

Whether or not he holds office, 34-year-old Prince Sihanouk will go right on running his country's affairs. He has no other choice, for there is no one else in Cambodia's scantily schooled and politically unsophisticated 4,500,000 populace who is up to the job. To Cambodians, Sihanouk is the government, and the government is Sihanouk.

Back to Work. A basically soft and kind young man, a devout Buddhist who abhors seeing any of his people suffering, Sihanouk has been through many changes of heart. The whole world cheered the way his representatives at the 1954 Geneva Conference withstood Communist attempts to subvert Cambodia by treaty. Then he fell under Nehru's spell, and hinted darkly that U.S. aid ($120 million in three years) was being used as a device to take over Cambodia. He welcomed Chou En-lai to Pnompenh last November —but then became alarmed at the Communists' evident strength in Cambodia's economically powerful Chinese community.

Recently, shocked by Russian intervention in Hungary, Sihanouk told his people that Communism is servitude, added: "Polish and Hungarian people have preferred to shed their blood."

Sihanouk took back the premiership of his country only eight weeks ago, after sacking dutiful Premier San Yun in a welter of malicious and unproved charges that San Yun had been doling out valuable import licenses, mostly for high-priced consumer goods, to assorted ministers' wives, political chairwarmers, and some ladies closely related to the royal family itself.

Sihanouk then appointed his longtime friend and adviser Sam Sary as special economic counselor to the government, with the personal rank of Prime Minister. But Sam Sary, even with his special rank, still approached the real Prime Minister, Sihanouk, only on his hands and knees. Sam Sary instituted a new economic policy of liberalized imports, but they, too, came under fire. Rival ministers whispered in Sihanouk's ear that Sam Sary was being paid off by Chinese merchants, accused him of accepting diamond-studded platinum wristwatches and other bribes.

Off to the Monastery. Angrily, Sihanouk summoned a meeting of the Central Committee of his Sangkum Party, which controls all 91 seats in the National Assembly. Sihanouk listened, near to tears, while official after official accused Sam Sary of giving import licenses to the wrong people, i.e., someone else. The criticisms, said Sihanouk, were "unjustified." Nevertheless, because they could "be construed as casting a shadow over the reputation of the Sangkum Party," His Royal Highness forthwith annulled all import licenses.

Sad Sam Sary crawled up to Sihanouk on his hands and knees and asked to be relieved of his economic responsibilities. Distressed to see his friend in this state, Sihanouk acceded to the request. Sam Sary sadly crawled away, had his head and eyebrows shaved, and betook himself to a Buddhist monastery. Sihanouk was so upset himself that he burst into tears. While Sam

Sary meditated in his monastery, Sihanouk's father, King Norodom Suramarit, held on to his son's resignation as Premier, hoping he would reconsider. Last week Sihanouk did. He motored back to Phnompenh, categorically denied there had ever been a government crisis, then set to work setting up a "National Investigation Commission" to combat Cambodia's galloping corruption.

Op-ed: Sam Raingsy broke 18 March 1970's heart

2009-11-09T18:18:00.000-08:00

By Kok Sap-26/10/2009
Who caused the 18 March 1970 event? Sihanouk, himself.

Now it appears the stooges of Viet Cong Khmer Rouge and Sam Raingsy say the same senseless accusation in open. To blame the 18 March 1970 event as the root cause of Cambodia tragedy is unacceptable and devious.

But on 23 October 2009 which was coincided with 1991 Paris Peace Accord signing anniversary, Sam Raingsy took a cheap shot to put down the historical event to spite the victims spirit and to please the criminal who was already tried, in absentia, by the 18 March 1970 regime court.

Why 18 March 1970 happened?

Because Sihanouk let Viet Cong used Cambodia soil to recruit and train Khmer Rouge cadres including Sam Raingsy three notorious uncles to destroy 18 March government. When Cambodia in dire emergency and the government called on Sihanouk action, he secretly left Cambodia for vacation in abroad.

Did US side with 18 March 1970 government?

Yes it did because Sihanouk violated the 1954 Geneva Conference mandates and his declared neutrality. In its foreign policy interest, US had to support Cambodia self-defense and war effort to stop Viet Cong from swallowing Cambodia. Also US-Henry Kissinger asked General Lon Nol to reconsider Sihanouk to resume duty. General did so but the Prince childishly threw his tantrums and begged Viet Cong to declare open war on Cambodia, instead.

How Sam Raingsy families fit in the 18 March 1970?

His philanderer father, Sam Sary, in spite of being one of Sihanouk haters and regime change callers, he kept both feet on two boats at the same instance. During 1955 election campaign, he acted on Sihanouk order to eliminate the outspoken Keng Vansak, and other Democrat Partisans whom Sihanouk branded them as enemies. In that mission, a Democrat driver was killed and Keng Vansak was thrown in jail without hearing for 2 months.

Sam Raingsy three uncles: Thioun Mumm, Thioun Thieun, and Thioun Prasith were Khmer Rouge High Angkar and notorious anti-Sihanouk from Paris in the 50's all the way to DK Polit-bureau in the 70's. In 1955 election, Mumm infiltrated Democrat Party. After 1979 Yuon invasion and occupation, in Phnom Malay based Coalition of Cambodia Government, the trio Sihanouk haters remain top Angkar.

So that made Sam Raingsy as what?

Like his father, the Opportunist and Double Dipper.
The politic of “to kill the dog one must call the dog crazy” appeared in Sam Raingsy recent conducts. His switching political personality and exploiting what in hands is his routine and political trademark. Before his arrest, Ieng Sary was Sam Raingsy key mentor and benefactor. In 1995 after the fall out from Rannridh grace, Sam Raingsy formed a new party with Ieng Sary’s money made from illegal logging and ruby trade with Thai generals.

What’s Sam Raingsy family history?

Usual collaborator, starting from his colorful non-Khmer origin maternal grandfather and colonial interpreter Thioun aiding French to subjugate and undermine King Norodom authority which earned him French citizen privilege and perks. People knew how Thioun had done Cambodia and King Norodom. He was more powerful and richer than King. All his children were privileged high education in France and heirs to French perks and protection.

To advance his personal, Sam Raingsy suggested the 18 March 1970 the incriminated culprit of killing fields’ tragedy. Khmer riddle “doeurm naa phlaer neung” seems fitting Sam Raingsy personality. Actually he ignored the facts that it was Sihanouk's own government, under Prime Minister Lon Nol, withdrew confidence and head of state authority from him. Also it was he who screeched from Beijing to have Angkar included the Thioun brothers to punish all of his enemies after his 17 April 1975 victory.

Ironically most of 18 March 1970 sympathizers live outside Cambodia. Most identify their political views with Sam Raingsy Party. Also they are usually the financial donors to him. It appears his remark is a pay back to donors and an attempt to land his other foot on the Viet dragon float.

Well what can we say, that’s politic a la mode de grand ‘homme de Paris.

Opinion: Know history, Cambodia do the right thing

2009-11-09T17:57:00.000-08:00

By Kok Sap-14/10/2009

In reality whether a royalty or a commoner, all Bangkok politics are most involved with the wealthy protecting personal interest.

The smell of royal exploitation remains odorous in Siam modern undemocratic society. Siam extremists have used Cambodia and its sacred temple, Preah Vihear, as a new spark for its new imperialistic war in 21st century. Siam extremists most are wealthy Chinese ethnic have politicized the 900 year old Khmer built temple to advance personal agendas.

A wealthy Chinese Sondhi Limthongkul and posy Democrats Party ruled by another half-Siam literate and Chinese Abhisit Vejjajiva at the half-Siam filthy rich Queen Sirikit blessings have stepped the bound of treason and lèse majesté laws.

Present Siam laws; lèse majesté offense is a crime in the court of law with the punishment up to 15 year imprisonment. This brings our attention to the recent rages and rants caused by PAD and Siam extremists used lèse majesté offense to rid of rival wealthy Chinese like Thaksin Shinawatra from power in 2006.

In Beck’s East Asia to 1800 and up to 1950 book, it apparently showed indifferences in all PAD and posy claims. Beck showed how imperialistic French, British, and Japan worked with neo-imperialist Siam in staking and dividing Khmer territories in the end of 19th and early of 20th century.

The Bhumibolist mouthpiece, the Nation, on 10/7/2009 published a story unraveled the truth about Chakri royalties relationship with French Indo-China and Preah Vihear. It says,” On 30 January 1929, Prince Damrong Rajanuphab (21/6/1832-1/12/1943) arrived at Preah Vihear as head of an official expedition from the Siamese court of King Prajadhipok (Rama VII). With cheers and cordial reception under French flag, Prince Damrong accepted that Preah Vihear belonged to French Indochina.”

Apparently King Prajadhipok (Rama VII 8/11/1893-30/5/1941) had approved and accepted his minister expedition report. After his return to Bangkok, Prince Damrong sent a letter to thank French Indo-China officials for the reception and the guide for his expedition. Likely it’s a royally done deal.

But 80 year later, the current monarch household member, the remotely Chakri kin, seems confused and backed PAD and posy to ignore King Prajadhipok and Prince Damrong royal deal. Obviously PAD and Democrats Party were perpetuated by the Queen Patronage have openly insulted late King Prajadhipok, who was the last of the great Chakri dynasty, noted Beck.
His chronicle recorded many events and facts are critically challenging Siam history book that filled with myths for later generations to believe and learn. The Nation quoted “This is recorded history – a history that must not be forgotten by Thai students. But by ignoring Prince Damrong’s visit in 1929, it effectively tells us to forget about the truth.” The critic, Mr. Charnvit Kasetsiri, is a historian himself.

” French Indo-China defeated Siam in a brief war that led to the treaty signed in October 1893 gave France the east bank of the Mekong River south from the Chinese border, a demilitarized zone of 25 kilometers on the west bank of the Mekong, protégé status for all the Vietnamese, Laos, and Khmers in Siam, and Siam had to pay a large indemnity.” “After the 1893 treaty, Siam increased the number of their European advisors to 139 within four years. King Chulalongkorn had been ill during and after the defeat at Paknam, and Damrong Rajanuphap (king half-brother) persuaded the King that Siam would be better off avoiding military confrontations with Europeans while pursuing administrative reforms.”

The panic King Chulalongkorn (Rama VI) royal purse was nearly broke. He needed to devise new strategy to buy time and to forestall French from pushing northward and westward of its occupied provinces Trat-Chanthaburei along the gulf coast line and Nokor Reach-Surin-Bureiriam along old Khmer Angkor highway stretching from Angkor to Phimai in Nokor Reach. Beside hospitals,guest houses a chain of shrines i.e Phimai,Phnom Rong were constructed along this importnat road. The hospitals and guest houses must be wooden and gone with time. Now only the shrines remain standing evidenced Khmer old land.

That’s a new tactic in strategy to counter French for expansionist Siam in its eastward quest.
During this period, French and British were the power brokers in Asia. They both agreed on many secretive treaties that hindered Cambodia and S.East Asian nations internal rule and autonomy. They used Siam, a proxy colony and a buffing zone, to divide and conquer Southeast Asia.

“In 1896 the British and French agreed to guarantee the inviolability of the Chao Phraya River basin, recognizing the independence of Siam. Several villages in Khon Kaen revolted in 1895 and excluded Siam officials from ruling them for three years. 1897 Siam made the secret agreement with the British not to cede territory north of 11 degrees latitude or give anyone else privileges without British approval.” It appeared the author failed to note the Khmers and Laos were involved in uprising against Siam genocidal rule.

“In the northeast 2,500 rebels in Ubon and Laos joined a millenarian movement, and more than 1,000 men led by the superstitious Thao (means old man or Ta in Khmer) Thammikarat ( Dhammik raj) black magic practioner sacked Khemmarat (Khmer rath presently west of presnt Laos) in 1901; but the Siamese army killed three hundred and captured four hundred rebels.” Likely Khmer rath was under a Khmer aristocrat turned Siam collaborateur.
“In 1897 Siam made the secret agreement with the British not to cede territory north of 11 degrees latitude or give anyone else privileges without British approval. The next year the southern border was unstable.”

Subsequently, in 1902 the British gave the Sultanate Pattani-Yala to be under Siam rule.
“In 1904 Chulalongkorn made a treaty with France. In April 1906, the Governor-General crowned 64 year old Sisowath King of Cambodia and attended the Colonial Exhibition at Marseilles with the royal dance company. In Paris King Sisowath concluded the negotiations for the treaty with Siam that returned the provinces of Battambang, Siem Reap, and Sisophon to Cambodia and in 1907 Siam gave up the northwestern Khmer provinces of Siem Reap, Battambang, and Sisophon for France’s renouncing the extraterritorial privileges of its protégés in Siam. The French and Cambodians began to restore Angkor Wat in Siem Reap. The 1908 French census counted 60,000 Vietnamese in Cambodia and nearly that many Chinese. “
In parallel, “In 1909 the British gave up the same privileges in exchange for the Malay states of Kedah, Kelantan, Trengganu, and Perlis. The Federated Malay States loaned £4,000,000 to complete the railway system between Siam and Malaya.”

“In a short war with Thailand the French planes bombed Nokor-Phnom (Nakon Phanom) on November 28, 1940. Siam forces advanced toward Battambang, but the French claimed victory at sea. A cease-fire was ordered on January 28, 1941, and the Japanese persuaded the French to return Battambang, Sisophon Sereisophon), Siem Reap (except Angkor), and parts of Laos to Thailand for 6 million piastres.” The battles took place in Phoum Yiang-Dangkum,Phriav-Kaun Tei located adjacent to Kok Khposs (Siam called Kok Soong) that’s not too far from Phoum Kor -Russei Srok-Ang Seila, 1977 battlefield between Democratic Kampuchea and Siam 1977. This package included 420,000 inhabitants. France was weak and strapped of cash while engaging in war at home with powerful Germany.

“In January 1941 Phlaek ( old last name Kattisungkha) Phibunsongkhram (21/7/1897- 11/6/1964) sent troops to take over parts of French Cambodia, and after three weeks Thailand had regained much Cambodian territory. Japan mediated an agreement signed in March that allowed Thailand to keep most of what it had occupied. Then in December 1941 the Japanese army invaded Cambodia through Battambang, and by August 1942 the Japanese had posted 8,000 troops in Cambodia.”

Phlaek was more Siam ethnocentric than his contemporaries in politics including the royalties. His fascist view had a lot to do with his ethnic cleansing in Siam. His primary targeted ethnic was Chinese who were persecuted relentlessly. But it was ironic that Phlaek changed country name from Siam to Thailand which was relative to Tai tribal ethnic living in south China.

Between 1940-1942 Siam promulgated hatred culture toward Khmer heritage. Many Khmers and Laos in Nokor Reach region were forced out of old Khmer provinces to resettle in Phibunsongkhram province which was made up of Battambang- Siem Reap-Sisophon. Use of Khmer language was forbidden in public places. Also it can’t be taught or learned in private homes. Folks were conscripted as war slaves whom Siam can do whatever it pleased with them.

“Then 1940 League of Nations- Treaty Series. 147 No. 4709. Commercial and Customs agreement between France and Siam concerning Indo-China signed at Bangkok December, 9th 1937 stipulates: In accordance with the provisions of Article 14 of the Convention of August 25th, 1926, the undersigned, being duly authorized by their respective Governments, have agreed as follows:
Article I.Article 5 of the Treaty 3 of October 3rd, 1893, shall be annulled.”

For Siam, this new treaty is a new attempt for Dictator Phlaek to resume Siam imperialistic war on Cambodia beside Shan state in the north and Laos in the northeast. The weakening Chakri dynasty was threatened and on the sunset. Then the speculation was King Prajadhipok was the last of Chakri brand. This could be true, if it wasn’t for the world war interruption and Japan imperialism demise; the powerful Phlaek Phibunsongkhram could have been the new Siam emperor.

Nonetheless, after the War ended in 1945, King Sihanouk did not demand Japan for Cambodia reparation. It appeared he saw something on the horizon that most politicians didn’t. Now that Siam seems to go back on its own words, Japan owes Cambodia and King Sihanouk a great deal, thus in its conscionable obligation and peace loving spirit, Japan ought to come forward to clarify and speak in Cambodia behalf that Siam claims territorial and Preah Vihear ownership losses to Cambodia are baseless.

All these times, Cambodia seems focusing on Siam and France records. However, Japan can do justice for Cambodia once for all. To date Siam insists it can solve its problems with Cambodia. Most unlikely so, Cambodia needs to move beyond Siam empty words. One can’t expect thousands of fool to see rightly one sane individual.

For centuries, Siam had been so confused in its identity and history. Therefore in the best interest of generations and justice, Cambodia can’t allow itself to be fooled by Siam thousands of fool when come to do the right thing for the Khmer people.

Who's the boss?

2009-05-19T03:06:00.000-07:00

By Kok Sap -19 May 2009
It has been 6 years since 2003, donors and observers keep hearing the same tune from Hun Sen when comes to asking for more aids. In 2007, he said – “A draft of the Anti-Corruption Law […] is in its final stages of consideration within the government before being sent to the National Assembly.”

Last year 2008,he sounded- “The Royal Government is committed without any hesitation to fighting corruption by undertaking many concrete actions to meet this objective including the drafting of the anti-corruption law itself.”– “Reform is not just a shallow word."

Indeed that was not just a shallow but an empty word.

In all appearances Hun Sen seems to be in a driver seat but ,the insiders said otherwise, Hun Sen can't sit unless that person said so. Nearly all key government executive offices are given to same person. To date that person is untouchable and very powerful even more than Hun Sen, himself.

The person is so cunning and manipulative to even eliminate his potential rivals and obstacles in power grab. Obviously Hok Lundi and General Ke Kim Yan seemed to be in his way. All witnessed General Hok Lundi was killed in a presumed weather hazard and no further investigation. Then not long after that incident, General Ke Kim Yan was disgracefully fired from armed forces high command. The excuse was Ke Kim Yan has owned too much lands.

Knowing the certainty of the worst, if Hun Sen wanted to reform Cambodia,it will be this guy whom he had to face first. Hun Sen has to return most of this guy roles and executive power to the national assembly to redistribute to others to keep balance in transparency and accountability.

People in Phnom Penh say it's not what Hun Sen said but what this guy did to Cambodia. Hun Sen is the prime minister to the outside but inside government houses, he is seen so incapable to even giving marching orders to others without approval from this guy.

Who's this guy?

His name is Sok An, a Viet descent, the current deputy prime minister for Cambodia and chairman of the Cambodian National Petroleum Authority (CNPA). He has more authorities and unquestionable power than all ministries combined. To most Cambodian government senior officials he is the storm and thunder maker.

Like many of his peers in the in the Cambodian Peoples’ Party (CPP), under Hanoi given alias, Sok An, began his career as a bureaucrat during Vietnam’s occupation in the early 1980s and rose to prominence alongside Prime Minister Hun Sen. An astute political operator, he remained by Hun Sen’s side throughout the CPP’s ruthless consolidation of power and is now one of the prime minister’s closest allies. Their relationship was recently strengthened through the arranged marriage of Sok An’s son Sok Puthyvuth to Hun Sen’s daughter Hun Mali.

Global Witness has written about Sok An previously in his capacity as co-signatory on many of the original agreements for logging concessionaires in Cambodia.These concession agreements formed the basis of the disastrous destruction of forests which followed, at great cost to Cambodia’s environment and little benefit to Cambodia’s economy.

As the regime’s second-in-command, Sok An holds a number of other important governmental positions, so many in fact that he has been likened to a many-armed Hindu god, due to his
tendency to have a hand in everything. It came as little surprise that, when the CNPA was established in 1998, Sok An was elected as its chairman. Since then he has presided over all contracts awarded to oil companies, acting as the point person for potential investors.

One cartoonist’s view of the many-armed Sok An holding many key positions:
-Permanent Vice Chairman of the Supreme Council for State Reform,
-Chairman of the Council for Administrative Reform,
-Chairman of the National Tourism Authority,
-Vice Chairman of the Centralist Democratic Institute (CDI),
-Vice Chairman the Asia Pacific Institute;
-Chief of the Apasara Authority,
-Chief of the National Land Dispute Authority,
-Chief of the Cambodia Training Board,
-Chief of the Royal Academy,
-Chief of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal,
-Member of the Council of Royal Administration and Chief of the State Investment Board on Rubber Enterprise.

In his spare time he also finds time to chair the Cambodian National Scout Association and run his private cock fighting sport arenas and money bidding operation.This is the root of corruption that is up close and too personal to Hun Sen. Although with the laws passed and implemented,as long as Sok An remains with too much power in hands, Hun Sen will have a hard time to wrestle him down. Also people have already lost patience with Hun Sen. So only time will tell who will be the next person to bump Hun Sen off the prime minister seat. The Karma wheel turns in the same mannor and direction as Hun Sen has done to his friends and predecessors.

Truth on Siam: A Short History of the Long Memory of the Thai Nation

2008-12-15T07:58:00.000-08:00

Thongchai Winichakul
Department of History, University of Wisconsin-Madison.

I. The 1880s-1900s was one of the most critical periods in the entire history of Siam when it faced the serious threat from the European colonial powers. In the eyes of the ruling elite, the country was not colonized because the Thai monarchs undertook the self-civilizing process modernizing the Thai state and society until it earned recognition from the civilized world, and because the great leaders made necessary sacrifices of some territories to preserve the country’s independence. Every Thai, regardless of their educational background, knows the first axiom of Thai history -- that is, thanks to the great leadership of the Chakri monarchs, Siam was never colonized by the Westerners.

As a matter of fact, it was not simply a history of the Big Bad Wolf versus the Helpless Lamb. The conflict was not an anti-colonial one as it pretends, nor was Siam an innocent victim. Siam fought the French to protect its aged old imperial supremacy over Laos, Cambodia and parts in the peninsula. It was an uncontestable contest of an old empire of the region versus a global colonial power for the supremacy over the region. The culmination was Franco-Siamese conflict in 1893 in which the outcome was decided when two French gunship pointing their weapons to the Grand Palace in Bangkok. The territorial “sacrifices” were the traditional vassals whose people never considered themselves parts of Siam. In case of Laos, its later historiography even thanks the French for liberating it from Siam.

Then, Siam was saved from colonization by several factors. The most important one was probably the agreement between the two superpowers of the time, Britain and France, to guarantee Siam’s sovereignty in order to make it the buffer between their major colonies (British India/Burma and Indochina respectively). These had nothing to do with the brilliant Thai monarchs and their self-civilizing mission, but to geo-politics and the timing that Siam became an issue after its neighbors were already colonized. Siam was not colonized because in the superpowers’ plan, it was not supposed to.

On the other hand, Siam could not escape from the colonial economy. In fact it was gradually integrated to the colonial economy and its division of labor since the mid-19th c. as it brought mutual benefits to both the Thai elite and the Europeans. The modernization of the Thai state and society by the Thai elite themselves in many respects also brought Siam into fold of the global systems. Extraterritoriality in particular forced Siam to transform its entire legal system to meet the standards set by Western countries.

Territorial administration, mapping, the functionalized bureaucracy were fundamental changes to fit the global systems. Many parts of the transformation were under the strong influence of the ideas and models from the West or even took place under the supervision of the Europeans employed by the Siamese government. Siam was not colonized, because it was not needed.
In short, Siam was independent in the sense that it was not formally or directly colonized.
But it was responsive to colonial economy and performed a necessary function for the colonial system in the region without having to be colonized. This peculiar condition and its consequences have not been adequately examined. A semi-colony normally refers to the condition of partial colonization. In this case, it is a crypto-colonial condition – a colonial situation that did not appear so, or even claims independence as its virtuous legacy. Siam as a crypto-colony bore some peculiar characteristics that also shape its nationalism.

First of all, while the reform faced a resistance from the conservatives within the ruling class, and from some local powers that were suppressed by the new territorial rule, the state faced re no serious challenge for an alternative or a different direction of transformation. Let alone the destruction of the ancient regime. Nor were other fundamental institutions of the old regime, such as Buddhism and the Sangha, radically challenged for change. Let alone a religious revolution. Instead, the major transformations in the name of reform, modernization, and civilization (considered “revolution” by some Thai historians) were initiated and undertaken by the ruling people within those institutions. The old regime were in charge of major “reforms”, for example, the absolute monarchy created the modern state and bureaucracy, the “reformed” Buddhist Sangha was in charge of the foundation of modern education.

The conventional history suggests that the self-civilizing process was the monarchs’ visions to save the country’s independence by earning recognition from the European powers. This is only partly true. Becoming civilized was a self-serving desire of the Thai royal elite to earn recognition of themselves among the world’s elites. While the Thai elite believed that they were successful, thus the country was saved, there was no evidence that Siam was recognized on the same level among the civilized elites of the world or that its recognition helped save the country’s independence. Instead, the assumed recognition was for domestic consumption to reaffirm the superiority of the royal elite among their subjects.

The making of the “nation” and the propagation of the royal nationalism in the 19th- early
20th century Siam were primarily the state’s project, and never a force against a colonial state or the ruling power. It emerged and operated under the intimidating presence of the colonial powers. Therefore the alien enemy looms large in Thai nationalism that always assumes an anti-colonial overtone. But the colonial rule in Siam was permanently deferred. Thai nationalism from its beginning turns inwardly, emphasizing the danger from within and readiness among Thai people themselves, while celebrating the great leaders in whose hands the country’s future and its prosperity will always be assured. The primary mission of nationalism in Siam from its beginning was to reaffirm the state’s control and supremacy rather than to liberate from the alien’s rule.

II. Under the condition described above, modern historiography and the new historical ideology was formulated. It reflected the views, even captures the spirit of the ruling Thai elite of the 1880s-1910s who went through the 1893 crisis and the subsequent years of self-civilizing transformation. The master narrative of Thai history that emerged in the 1910s tells a long history of how the great monarchs have saved the country’s independence times after times since the birth of the nation in the 12th or 13th c. until the modern time, and led it to current prosperity.

The “traditional” history in Siam was the religious stories of the righteous kings, especially the supreme ones or the “Universal Monarch”, in the Hindu-Buddhist political culture. The traditional forms and concepts of historical knowledge began to change since the second half of the 19th c. New styles of historical writing and antiquarianism as a practice were widespread by the 1880s-1890s. Yet the idea of writing a history of Siam as a “nation” did not appear until the mid-1900s. Several ideas of the national narrative were put forward. But it took another ten years for the narrative that eventually proved to be so powerful, ideologically speaking, to formulate.

The modern master narrative of Thai history tells a chronologically national story of how the great kings saved the country. This perception of the past was definitely shaped by the way the elite scholars in Bangkok at the time looked back and understood the 1893 crisis.
It was how they made sense of their most recent painful past in the 1890s-1900s. In other words, it was the history that was shaped by, and seen through, the 1893 crisis and its consequences. In certain ways, it looks similar to an anti-colonial history of many postcolonial countries. But upon a closer look, it reveals peculiar characteristics of Siam nationalist history.
As the religious stories of great monarchs were reconceived and rewritten to fit the new theme of struggles for the country’s independence, the politico-religious story was turned into one of international domination and resistance. Strikingly, the struggles for independence were retrospectively accounted for many times since the early kingdoms of the Siamese in the 12th or 13th c. Some went further back and found even more. The experience of the 1890s-1900s was pivotal, providing a meaningful historical conceptualization that generated the whole series of similar past. In other words, I would argue, ALL earlier episodes of the Thai past were merely allegories of the memory of the 1890s-1900s traumatic transition. These allegories help disguise their origin that was also the moment of the birth of the modern nation and the birth of the country’s modern history.

In doing so, however, the significance of the European colonialism of the 19th century is diffused, becoming just another episode in the long historical series of the struggles for independence. To put it in another way, colonialism is not the target of this historical ideology as much as an enemy – any enemy – of the Thai nation. It is a nationalist history, but not an anti-colonial one.
Who were the enemies in Thai history? The Europeans? France was an unforgettable enemy. Yet it was one of many historical foes. The master narrative turns the traditional archrival, the Burmese kings, from the evil (i.e. wicked, untrustworhty, heretic) into the foreign enemy of Siam. Other vassal and rival kings of pre-modern polity (for instance, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam) were similarly turned into enemies of the Siamese nation. The same old enemies of the pre-national history, i.e. of an imperial kingdom, are persistent.

Certain characteristics of the traditional story of great monarchs and their empires are alive and well in the emerging nationalist history of Siam.

The traditional religious history of the righteous kings is a story of their glories and failures. Among the highest glories were the conquests and victories over the not-so righteous ones or over the evil enemy to achieve the supremacy over all other lords.

Although the righteous kings did not fight for the nation or its independence, this story was compatible with, thus conveniently reconceived to fit, the new theme and ideology of history. The result is the royal-nationalist history that entirely focuses on the leadership of great monarchs who were the nation’s heroes, but never on their people, or a social or popular movement. It is a history that reaffirms the power of the regime but distrusts people.

III. The royal nationalism and its kind of history is distinctive, thanks to the crypto-colonial condition that gave birth to both of them. Except its ebb during the 1930s-1950s following the revolution in 1932 that ended the absolute monarchy, it has been the dominant kind of nationalism in Thailand throughout the 20th c. It has become even stronger and more influential since the 1960s when royalism was revived.

The royal-nationalist history has been very powerful in two ways, namely as an epistemic discourse of history and as a historical ideology. It sets the parameter and dictates the interpretations of Thai history even up to now. Most Thai historians subscribe to it subserviently. It has stifled historical scholarship and made it a servant of nationalism and the state. By doing so, nevertheless, the field has become a sensitive intellectual battlefield where radical scholarship often wages an ideological war.

As an historical ideology, it shapes public perception of the past, and the characteristics of Thai nationalism. So far, the opponents of this historical ideology have not been successful. The anti-monarchists of the 1930s-1950s tried to produce a nationalist history that was critical to the past monarchs. Yet their history virtually remained within the conceptual box of the royal-nationalist history. Moreover, it never challenged the royal elite’s view of the history of the pivotal event that gave birth to the nation and was the foundation of the entire history of Siam, i.e. the 1893 crisis and the transition during the 1890s-1900s. A radical history such as the Marxist one was even more critical to the royal-nationalist history. Nevertheless, in many ways, it is not without the influences of the royal-nationalist history, partly because radicalism in Thailand advocates a form of radical nationalism. Besides, it never takes root in Thailand.